Karen Carpenter Psychology

Karen Carpenter, an international superstar through the late 1960s through the late 1970s, grew up in a white-collar, white picket fenced neighborhood often described as "Wonder Years territory" (E! True Hollywood Story, 1997). All her basic needs were fulfilled: in terms of Maslow's humanistic theory[1], she had ample food and shelter (physiological needs), she lived in a secure neighborhood (physical safety), and according to her brother Richard in the Karen Carpenter E! True Hollywood Story, she was a happy, energetic child with many friends (psychological and emotional safety). She got along well with the neighborhood children (belonging and love), and a number of her friends constantly reminded her of her talent (which aided in her development of self-esteem). Since these essential needs were met, she became self-actualized: she possessed the drive to be successful and showcased her talent to the best of her ability. Particularly, according to the Carpenters' former band managers, Karen was always enthusiastic and loved to perform (E! True Hollywood Story, 1997). She anticipated the release of each single and was delighted when they became chart-toppers. However, this increasing desire to succeed, to continue to earn the affection of both the media and her family, as well as her inability to become an independent individual, drove her to obsession, and ultimately, to death.
At first, Carpenter seemed to be a happy, healthy individual one might define as normal. By age fifteen, she had reached formal operational thinking as described by Piaget. She often demonstrated reflective thinking; she evaluated her thoughts--she showed she had developed the ability to think about possibilities (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958, as cited in Blume & Zembar, 2007). By sixteen, when she started recording music, formal operational Carpenter was able to comprehend abstract concepts such as fidelity, loyalty, love, etc; she sang passionately about them in her music. Also, the fact that she began, from age sixteen onward, to set standards regarding her physical appearance and performance levels, suggests that her cognitive capacity increased when she entered adolescence (Blume & Zembar, 2007). According to the text, this increase may explain "the intensity with which some adolescents pursue their goals" (Blume & Zembar, 2007). She constantly experienced the "What if?" syndrome (i.e. "what if I gain weight?" "what if my records don't sell?"), and she feared others' judgment to the point of obsession. Carpenter, like other formal operational adolescents, did "develop ideal standards regarding appearance, behavior, and personality characteristics that are unrealistic and difficult to meet" (Blume & Zembar, 2007). However, her ideal standards were more intense than others-she became overly preoccupied with success and her physique. According to the Quest Beyond the Pink Collar website, "She was psychotic about her weight, and self-conscious about her natural pear-shaped chubbiness" (Young, par. 5, 2007). On the surface, though, she was an individual one might define as spunky and smart.
Yet, Carpenter was known more for her cheerful personality rather than for her scholastic abilities. She despised geometry and could not complete high school as a result of her early fame and busy touring schedule (Wikipedia, par. 2, 2007). Nonetheless, Sternberg, who defined intelligence as "the ability to succeed according to what one values in life, within one's sociocultural context" (Sternberg, as cited in Blume & Zembar, 2007), would have factored Carpenter's social skills into her "intelligence" (i.e. her ability to relate to people and the bubbly personality her friends and family members loved). In addition, Howard Gardner's Multiple Intelligence Theory supports the idea that other non-academic criteria would have categorized Carpenter as an adolescent capable of achieving success in adulthood. Gardner would, for example, classify her athleticism (body kinesthetic) is a form of intelligence. Carpenter recalled, "While Richard was listening to music in the basement, I was out playing baseball and football, and playing with my machine gun! I was very tomboyish, quite a character I hear." (Classic Bands, 2007). Gardner would also define her intrapersonal skill (ability to understand other people and social interactions) and vocal talent (musical skill) as other forms of intelligence. He would have predicted her overall future success by these practical, basic abilities. By age seventeen, as Gardner might have expected, Carpenter showcased her talent with confidence and became an instant sensation.
As Carpenter progressed through adolescence, her parents, brother, friends, and record producers provided her with constant compliments, which helped her to develop a stronger sense of industry as well as a sense of self-certainty. Yet, as Carpenter grew more successful, she became more self-conscious. She began to presume that people-everywhere, at all times-constantly judged her looks. For most adolescents this would be defined as an imaginary audience-a normal, protective factor for an adolescent's ego "in the process of separating from parents and striving for autonomy" (Aalsma & Lapsley, 1999, as cited in Blume & Zembar, 2007). However, this audience was often real for Carpenter, who struggled with identity conflicts and frustration of adolescence along withthe pressures of fame (e.g. the media's attempt to either glorify or criticize her). Erikson might argue that these extra stressors made it increasingly difficult to believe in herself, and thus, elevated her level of self-consciousness rather than self-certainty.
While most adolescents are able to present a "false self" to others, Carpenter never received an opportunity to discover her true self. Which was she: the shy child or the mature singer who had to "grow up," lose some weight, get up from behind the drums and project into the microphone? She did not know. On the surface, "Karen Carpenter was vibrant and energetic. As Gil Friesen, the president of A&M Records described her, she was '...the girl next door, always up even when she was down' "(Friesen as cited in Young, par. 5, 2007). Her behavior can be cross-referenced with the official Multiple Selves model (Harter, Bresnick, Bouchey, & Whitesell, 1997, as cited in Blume & Zembar, 2007). For example, according to friends, the happy-go-lucky Carpenter differed from the apprehensive Karen who worried about record sales, touring, and much else. Her identity, like that of many teenagers, was unstable-as an adolescent, she had no idea who she wanted to become.
In terms of psychoanalytic theory, "teenagers' major psychological task involves becoming an increasingly autonomous individual-having a well-defined sense of who you are, what you believe in, and what you want to become" (Blume & Zembar, 2007). As stated in the text, "The loosening of ties to parents is essential to becoming an individual capable of independent functioning" (Blume & Zembar, 2007). Carpenter, however, never truly loosened ties to her close-knit family, and never went through the process of "individuation"-the term for "psychological separation from parents" (Blos, 1969, as cited in Blume & Zembar, 2007). She was unable to "break the family nucleus" (E! True Hollywood Story, 1997). While a close-knit, warm family may provide physical and emotional safety, an overpowering [2]"helicopter" family (or "helicopter parents" who hover over their children) can have a negative effect on the adolescent's affective development. Since Carpenter's parents never gave her the chance to live on her own (other than while on tour with her brother), she never experienced what Anna Freud called the "mourning of separation" period of the Genital stage, and was never able to discover her true likes, dislikes, personal beliefs, etc.
This idea assimilates to Erik Erikson's theory of Identity Formation. The period of moratorium isnecessary time and space to experiment with different roles and beliefs (Erikson, 1968, as cited in Blume & Zembar, 2007). Yet, Karen's family members, record producers and managers-warm, loving, and encouraging as they were-urged her to look, act, and sing in a particular manner. Throughout middle adolescence, they instructed her to wear only modest, matronly clothing. Commentators on the E! True Hollywood Story defined her look as the perfectly crafted "granny" or "apple pie" look. She always seemed virginal-angelic-and music aficionados pointed out how neither she nor her brother made mistakes (e.g. errors in pitch) while singing live. She was always in the public eye, always watched by her conservative family or tour members. Everyone expected perfection. Carpenter once said, "We spent an awful lot of time trying to achieve perfection as close as we can come. It's the foremost thing in both of our minds, at all times." She added, "It's hell living like a pair of angels." (IMDB, p. 11, par. 2, 2007). She was never able to explore any identity other than that of a flawless performer.
Had Carpenter chosen to explore her identity by changing her look or style of music, her parents and executives from the record label would be horrified. The Carpenters had an image and a reputation to uphold-they did not want to imitate the ways of other hippie musicians of the Woodstock era (E! True Hollywood Story, 1997). Yet, the Biography Channel states the Carpenters were "often criticized by the hip rock press for being a squeaky clean duo who sang syrupy love songs" (2007, p. 1) These factors led to the existence of a self-discrepancy between Carpenter's actual self (an insecure, impotent individual who was often glorified by one half of the population and mocked by the other) and the ideal self she could not become (a fearless and confident individual in the music industry). This corresponds to [3]Erikson's Role experimentation v. role fixation stage; because Carpenter was not formally "allowed" to try out different selves in adolescence-because she was not given adequate room to make mistakes, to experiment with her looks or styles of music, her adult life was secretly miserable.
In terms of Marcia's Identity Statuses, as elaborated by Adams, Carpenter never established a "definite view on what her own lifestyle would be" (Adams, as cited in Blume & Zembar 2007). Yet, on the interpersonal scale, her identity was achieved-- she did choose many recreational activities. According to the E! True Hollywood Story, she always loved to play baseball with the children on the street. Throughout late adolescence and adulthood, she pitched for the Carpenters' own softball team. She also loved to craft things with her hands; on the official Carpenters website, her brother remarked that knitting was one of her favorite pastimes. On an ideological scale, her identity was foreclosed; she made commitments without exploring alternatives, obeying her parents for the most part, until they told her she needed to eat more due to her extreme thinness. She, of course, disobeyed the latter request. Eventually, she made a secret commitment to her eating disorder-she dieted and fasted without exploring other healthy ways to take care of her body such as doing moderate exercise and a keeping a balanced diet. However, on an interpersonal scale, her identity was not foreclosed at all. For example, she chose friends of all kinds, and secretly dated people of whom her parents did not approve (e.g. a British staffer from the record company with which she had a contract).
Ideologically, Carpenter did not achieve moratorium. She never explored the world outside the music industry. Particularly, at age nineteen, she was obsessed with record sales to the extent that she made it an obligation to tour as much as possible, for thirty-five weeks at a time and up to 147 consecutive concerts (E! True Hollywood Story, 1997). She hardly took breaks to explore and enjoy life, nor did she fullyexperience moratorium on an interpersonal level. Since she seldom dated, she was unable to find the "perfect match." She married one of the few and only individuals she dated, and ironically, passed away on the day which she planned to finalize her divorce papers (E! True Hollywood Story, 1997).
Carpenter's identity was diffused on the ideological scale, but not so much on the interpersonal scale: she became a superstar at a young age and thus discovered her occupation prematurely. On an interpersonal scale, it is uncertain whether she considered the roles of men and women in marriage-she simply wanted to be in a relationship. She fantasized about marriage, and often talked about it to her friends (as portrayed in one scene with her friend Lucy in The Karen Carpenter Story, 1989). Her later, sadder ballad titles, such as "I Need to Be in Love" and "Where Do I Go from Here?" propose this idea. These suggestions correspond to [4]Erikson's "ideological commitment v. confusion of values" stage, in which one's romantic pursuit is completed out of the search for identity and fidelity, trying to answer the question "Who am I?" in the greater world.
According to Archer's study, most teens in middle adolescence are in diffused or foreclosed statuses: "When adolescent identity exploration characteristic of the moratorium or achieved statuses does occur, it has been strongly linked to moderate levels of separation and connection with parents" (Archer, as cited in Blume & Zembar, 2007). However, because Carpenter's home was ruled by her mother Agnes, because most of her music was written and directed by her brother Richard, and because A&M Records enforced conservatism (never allowing her to take risks by conforming to the popular clothing or music styles of the late 1960s and early 1970s), Carpenter was subjected to feelings powerlessness and inferiority. Arguably, Carpenter's desire to perfect her body was an attempt to look the part of a pop-star, and to counteract these feelings of inferiority.
The latter idea also links to the [5]social theory for anorexia-that women are brainwashed in a society that emphasizes thinness. According to the official Carpenters fan site, "Slimming and health foods were becoming fashionable in the early 1970s, particularly in image-conscious California."(R. Carpenter, 2004, p.10). All of these factors led to a self-discrepancy between Carpenter's actual self-who she was (initially, a chubby and tomboyish teenager) and what she thought she should become (the ideally thin, chic, and ultra-feminine pop star) that women are brainwashed in a society that emphasizes thinness. Adolescent females are highly aware of their own body image, and often become preoccupied about their weight and size (Blume & Zembar, 2007). The emotional and social pressures to be thin-her doctor's decision to put her on the Stillman diet (eight glasses of water per day, no fat, and vitamins), and a journalist's comment about Carpenter's "chubbiness," contributed to her body dissatisfaction. At the same time, her peers indirectly influenced her negative body image. Friends on say Carpenter wanted to be thin like her best friend Olivia Newton-John-she wanted to be like her friends; like everyone but herself (E! True Hollywood Story, 1997). These obsessions, worsened by her anxious mother as well as the media, led her to become what many define as a "tormented, unhappy woman" (Young, par. 5, 2007).
However, arguably the theory of anorexia that best applies to Carpenter's life may be the family systems theory. Although it would not be fair to blame family members for Carpenter's eating disorder, it is necessary to consider their behaviors that may have contributed to her feelings of powerlessness. Carpenter's parents were authoritative, but her mother was often described as "apprehensive and obsessive" (E! True Hollywood Story, 1997). Friends of the Carpenters referred to Agnes Carpenter as so strong-willed and anal that she would regularly scrub the window locks (E! True Hollywood Story, 1997). While her father, Harold Carpenter, was described as "passive and friendly," her mother "ruled the roost" (E! True Hollywood Story, 1997). In the 1989 docudrama The Karen Carpenter Story, Carpenter repeatedly complained that her mother was too chary and overprotective. At one point, she said, "Mother, you are smothering me. You've got to let me live my life-you've just got to."
Carpenter, who argued with her parents, brother, and record producers when they told her to stop "hiding behind the drums" and to instead stand up and sing, usually followed others' demands (The Karen Carpenter Story, 1989). For example, she did not want to do give up her beloved drums; yet, she caved in and obeyed anyway. Essentially, the one way for Karen to feel powerful was to restrict food, to exercise for hours at a time, and to purge with the use of laxatives (and occasionally vomiting). She became so thin; friends feared they would "crush her" if they hugged her too tightly (E! True Hollywood Story, 1997). Though she received treatment and gained over twenty pounds in order to re-establish a healthy weight, the excessive exercise, dieting, and restricting led to her eventual cardiac arrest and death at thirty-two.
Altogether, despite the fact that Karen Carpenter's basic needs were met in childhood, and that she was cognitively similar to a number of adolescents her age, the media, her overprotective mother, brother, record producers, managers, peers, and fans contributed to Carpenter's false self-the veneer of angelic, chic pop star under which an unhappy, anxious individual hid. Although Carpenter became a driven, self-actualized adolescent with the desire to succeed, it is arguable that her obsessive desire to thrive in the music industry, to continue to earn the affection of both the media and her family, and her inability to become an independent individual triggered her low self esteem, eating disorder, and eventual demise.